Huang (2006) argues that h?n ‘very’, the Mandarin adjective intensifier, is anobligatory type-lifter that transforms simple adjectives to complex adjectives for predicatehood,as is required by the Property Theory (Chierchia, 1984, 1985). This article studies theother cases where h?n is not obligatory and concludes that, in addition to h?n-insertion,affixation, and reduplication identified by Huang (2006), the negator bù and VP or IPmovement can also function as type-lifters for simple adjectives. I further argue that onlyone type-lifter device is allowed per sentence.